1. Tim Carter, “The Composer as Theorist? Genus and Genre in Monteverdi’s Combattimento di Tancredi e Clorinda,” in Music in the Mirror: Reflections on the History of Music Theory and Literature for the 21st Century, ed. Andreas Giger and Thomas J. Matiesen (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2002), 98.
2. Torquato Tasso, Discourses on the Art of Poetry in The Genesis of Tasso’s Narrative Theory: English Translations of the Early Poetics and Comparative Study of their Significance, ed. and trans. Lawrence F. Rhu (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1993), 119.
8. As Esolen’s introduction to Jerusalem Delivered (Ibid., 1-16) emphasizes, Tasso wrote this work during the Counter-Reformation, thus continual need to justify these divergent narratives not only on literary grounds but religious ones as well.
9. David Quint, “Epic and Empire,” Comparative Literature 41 no. 1 (Winter, 1989), 20. Similar analysis of Tasso’s epic can be found in Sergio Zatti, The Quest for Epic from Ariosto to Tasso, with introduction by Albert Russell Ascoli, ed. Dennis Looney, trans. Sally Hill and D. Looney (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006).
15. Carman argues that this reclining figure represents Eve (pgs. 35-6). Though I do not completely disagree with his reading, however, due to the poetic context as well as other depictions of the sorceress in a reclining position (symbolizing her sadness over Rinaldo’s departure) (see Rensselaer W. Lee, “Armida’s Abandonment: A Study in Tasso Iconography before 1700,” in De Artibus Opuscula XL: Essays in Honor of Erwin Panofsky, ed. M. Meiss (New York: New York University Press, 1961), 335-349), Armida seems a better candidate.
26. Stephanie Lynn Treloar, “The Madrigals of Giaches de Wert: Patrons, Poets, and Compositional Procedures (PhD. diss. Harvard University, 2003), 137-173 discusses Wert’s texture likely derived from the oral tradition surrounding the singing of stanzas from Ariosto’s Orlando furioso.
29. For further discussion of Armida’s power of seduction through music see Suzanne G. Cusick, “Gendering Modern Music: Thoughts on the Monteverdi-Artusi Controversy,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 46 no. 1 (Spring, 1993), 12-14.
33. Ibid., Canto 10 stanza 76. Along with MacClintok’s monograph, Giaches Wer, additional information regarding Wert’s association with the Ferrara court can be found in Stephanie Lynn Treloar, “The Madrigals of Giaches de Wert,” 49-57 and 137-173.
34. The language of the manuscript version was later adopted by Marenzio in his setting of Giunto a la tomba, which Nino Pirrotta points out in Music and Culture in Italy from the Middle Ages to the Baroque: A Collection of Essays, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984), 204.
Aesthetic considerations between Wert and Marenzio’s settings are considered in Jessie Ann Owens, “Marenzio and Wert Read Tasso: A Study in Contrasting Aesthetics,” Early Music 27, no. 4 (Nov., 1999), 555-570, 572, 574.
37. Bonni Gordon, Monteverdi’s Unruly Women: The Power of Song in Early Modern Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 161-200 discusses the act of singing by early concerto dell donne and how this would have effect the manner in which composer wrote for them. The Mantuan ensemble’s influence on Monteverdi’s vocal texture in his third book of madrigals is also discussed Nino Pirrotta, Music and Culture in Italy, 301.
38. Tim Carter, “Intriguing Laments: Sigismondo d’India, Claudio Monteverdi, and Dido alla parmigiana (1628),” Journal of the American Musicological Society 49 no. 1 (Spring, 1996), 32-69 for a detailed discussion of later laments based on the story of Armida.
51. The closest I’ve been able to find in the context of court spectacle were depictions by Geoffrey of Boulogne’s battle on the Ponte Sta Trinità for the Entry of Christina of Lorraine into Florence, 1589 in Roy Strong, Art and Power: Renaissance Festivals 1450-1650 (Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 1984), 132; and Lois Rosow states, “Genres included staged military actions on mythological or chivalric these—such as naval battles, tournaments and equestrian ballets—as well as masquerades and other genres focused on dance. In addition to ancient mythology and other Classical sources, poets and choreographers borrowed material from the sixteenth century’s two great epic romances of medieval chivalry: Orlando furioso (1516) by Lodovico Ariosto, and Gerusalemme liberata (1581) by Torquato Tasso, in “Power and Display: Music in Court Theatre,” in The Cambridge History of Seventeenth-Century Music, ed. T. Carter and J. Butt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 214. Beyond this statement, the author does not go into more detail or cite additional sources.
52. Iain Fenlon, “Music and Spectacle at the Gonzaga Court, c. 1580-1600,” Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 103 (1976-77), 90-105 and Lisa Sampson, “The Mantuan Performance of Guarini’s Pastor fido and the Representation of Courtly Identity,” The Modern Language Review 98 no. 1 (Jan., 2003), 66-83.
53. On practical terms for the justification of song in the stage works, Il pastor fido worked on grounds of verisimilitude in that it was completely acceptable to have shepherds and nymphs singing, but it would have been strange for a knight of the Crusades to be humming along in battle. In the development of stage representations and opera Nino Pirrotta and Elena Povoledo claim, “The warrior world of Ariosto’s and Tasso’s tales, the Golden Age of chivalry, was no less unreal and utopian than the Golden Age.” On the grounds of verisimilitude though, “it [Gerusalemme liberata] offered no specific justification of recitar cantando. It would seem then that fewer than two decades of opera had been sufficient to establish continuous singing, initially the privilege of shepherds and gods, as an accepted theatrical convention” in Music and Theatre from the Poliziano to Monteverdi, trans. Karen Eales (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 274.
54. Though this is for a later paper topic, perhaps opera houses shied away from staging the epic portions of the Gerusalemme liberata because it would have required staging sacred objects, the tomb of Christ most noticeably, on a secular stage. Placing such artifacts on stage during the Counter-Reformation would likely have been chancy with the censors.